references
A processional effigy: idealisation and femininity And so the question arises again: what is the statue's role? A very brief reminder: among the Akyé and most of the "Lagoons" peoples, there are only four kinds of statues: first, statuettes of twins (nda-tinlin for those of the same gender; takyi-nan-nda for those of different genders) – when one of them dies, a wooden statuette, evoking the ékanla, the deceased's double, is given to the survivor, who keeps it forever. The second category is the statues of the mystical spouses of the ebolo (similar to the blolobla or bian of the Baulé). But these statuettes, like those of twins, are small – which is not the case for the work we are discussing. The third type is the statues of Koméa (the equivalent of the Komyen of the Baulé), that is, effigies of healers who enter into a trance, as can be seen, in the same region, in an engraving in the account of the voyage of Binger. But these blackened statues are never ornamented to this extent (a few still exist37). So, this work, which is covered in gold leaf, can only belong to the fourth category: that of large effigies seen during majestic processions with dancing, and solemnly displayed to the public to appear both as the protective guardians of the celebrations and the fantasy "portraits" of the women in charge of the ceremonies, without any true resemblance being aimed at, but pure idealisation. Especially since, when a woman died, the statue was invested with another "representative" role, becoming a new emanation of the woman who succeeded her. Endowed with ancestral power, the effigy then took on an almost supernatural power, although it was never the "recipient" of a divinity.38 During these celebrations, a statue such as this completed, crowned, enhanced the ornaments put on display by rich men seeking to demonstrate their wealth in order to win more authority: pectorals, pendants, head ornaments, sticks with pommels covered in gold leaf. On these occasions, the display of gold in all its forms was essential, not only for its magnificence, but also to demonstrate power, to acquire prestige through a display of splendour. Clan seats were also sometimes covered in gold39, mbesia among the Akié, adya-bia-swa or sesebia for the populations who adopted the anyi language, seats that were used for the worship of ancestors. At the end of the ceremonies, all the objects were put away for safekeeping - they could never be sold, and the heritage was passed on strictly intact.40 Today, a statue of a smaller size may be worn by a woman during a dance, as an attribute, but this effigy is never covered in gold leaf, and suffers the same treatment as all the other Ivorian statues today: it is covered in industrial paint.41 One last question: what is behind the exaltation of the feminine figure? It is by no means irrelevant to recall that the "Lagoons" peoples live in societies regulated through the female line. The individual belongs to the uterine clan of his father, and even the heritage of the most sacred object, the clan seat, is dependent on this line: the wife of the head of the clan, who becomes the "mother" of the community, is the owner of the seat. Admittedly, as Amon d'Aby writes, although she is "the custodian of all the spiritual and temporal powers", she delegates them, "because of the impurity and weakness of her gender" (sic), to the "patriarch, who represents strength, authority".42 But it is still important at any cost, at any moment, in this matrilineal society, to value femininity, at least in appearance. Hence, in return comes an even stronger need to promote this stately and mysterious, secret and enigmatic figure, which is endowed with a symbolic function, with her "queenly" demeanour, impressing anyone who sees her during the grandiose ceremonies, just like the woman, the sovereign, even though it may be a mirage. Alain-Michel BOYER
1. See in particular: Alain-Michel Boyer, Patrick Girard and Marceau Rivière, Arts premiers de Côte d’Ivoire, Saint-Maur, Editions Sépia, 1997, p. 120, pl. 130; H
